Intention-Beliefs Gap

Health Behavior: Psychosocial Theories

Due south. Sutton , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

3 Conclusion

1 focus of electric current involvement is the 'intention–behavior gap.' Researchers in the health behavior field are using Gollwitzer's (1993) concept of implementation intentions (the intention to do X in situation Y) and related ideas to explicate why some people who have strong intentions to attain a goal succeed whereas others fail, and to try to close this gap using simple interventions (e.one thousand., Orbell et al. 1997). Related to this is the increasing interest in models of self-regulation (Abraham and Johnston 1998). Another trend, which has been apparent in social psychology in recent years and is now being imported into research on health behaviors, is to regard attitudes every bit being activated automatically (e.g., Fazio 1990). Although this seems to pose a challenge to social cognition models, the two approaches are not necessarily incompatible, especially if the idea is extended to automatic activation of previously formed intentions.

There is a plethora of models of wellness behavior and new models are continually beingness developed. Although this tin be interpreted as a sign of a field rich in conceptual and theoretical development, it makes it increasingly difficult to accumulate research findings into a coherent torso of knowledge. The field would benefit from clearer definition of concepts, greater standardization of measures, more than tests of convergent and discriminant validity, greater concentration on a minor number of models, and more empirical comparisons of models. The vast majority of studies use nonexperimental between-subjects designs. Obtaining repeated measures on the aforementioned individuals would allow models to exist tested at the individual level (Hedeker et al. 1996). Experimental manipulation of constructs, every bit has been done in many studies of PMT, would provide much stronger evidence of causal effects.

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Understanding responses to climate change

Robert Gifford , ... Angel Chen , in Psychology and Climatic change, 2018

seven.iii Developing an instrument for measuring psychological barriers

Psychological barriers might help heighten existing theories of proenvironmental behavior past providing an explanation for the value-action gap or the intention-behavior gap (east.g., TBC discussed further in this chapter). The 3 studies described in this section are part of a continuous attempt to improve understanding of (perceived) barriers and develop a useful structure and psychometrically sound measurement model. These studies have focused on barriers in the major climate-relevant behavior domains, in both educatee and community populations (east.1000., Chen & Gifford, 2015; Gifford & Chen, 2017; Lacroix & Gifford, online). Constructing and validating sound psychological barrier scales also has practical value for designing policy and programs.

Gifford (2011) theorized psychological barriers were measured in approximately the same way in each report. Participants were first presented with a list of proenvironmental behaviors and asked to "choice a behavior that you or others believe should be done to help the surround, simply which you are not doing right at present, or are not doing enough." They were then presented with a series of barrier items and asked how much each was true for them on vii-point Likert scales, from "strongly disagree" to "strongly agree."

Barrier scales and items were analyzed afterward each study [e.m., interitem correlations, reliability indices, principal-component analyses (PCAs)]. Each new study allowed the authors to improve on the barrier measurements, remove less-useful items, and clarify items as needed. Ii of these studies are described hither, followed by a third that presents a revised barrier measurement model (i.east., the DIPBs instrument; Lacroix, Gifford, & Chen, Submitted).

An example from the nutrient domain. In the get-go study, 251 Canadians were asked about the psychological barriers they face when making climate-positive food choices (Gifford & Chen, 2017). Climate-positive nutrient-choice intentions were measured using six items (east.g., eat less meat, purchase organic food). Thirty-half dozen barrier items were used to measure the psychological barriers, created to represent Gifford'southward (2011) list of dragon species and additional food specific barrier items.

Barrier components were extracted using PCA. Four were retained: Denial, Conflicting Goals and Aspirations, Interpersonal Influences, and Tokenism, which suggests that a iv-factor construction is appropriate for the nutrient domain. Of the four, Interpersonal Influences was the only 1 that was non significantly related to reported food choices. This may accept been caused by the relatively weak reliability of the Interpersonal Influences component (α=.66) or perhaps because, although eating is inevitably a social practise, the bear upon of social influences on nutrient choices is less-often noticed.

Using confirmatory mill analyses, the fit of the 4-factor model was compared with that of a seven-cistron model, based on the original 7 categories described in Gifford (2011), and with a unidimensional model. Both the iv-factor and the 7-gene models demonstrated expert model fit, although the seven-factor model was slightly ameliorate. The authors conclude that both models are equally valuable. The seven-factor model is more comprehensive, merely some of its scales had low reliability. The 4-factor model was more parsimonious and the scales more reliable.

An example from the energy domain. In a 2d study, 151 residents of British Columbia were asked about the psychological barriers they face when attempting to adopt household free energy-saving behavior (Lacroix & Gifford, online). These behaviors were measured using 11 items (east.one thousand., "I switch off the television and computer when not in use"). Five (i.east., Express Cognition, Ideologies, Comparisons with Others, Sunk Costs, and Discredence) of the seven theorized (Gifford, 2011) barrier categories were included in this study based on their presumed suitability to the study's energy objectives. These were measured using multiple items per barrier.

Barrier components were extracted using PCA. Six components were retained: Denial, Conflicting Goals and Aspirations, Interpersonal Influences, Mission Incommunicable, Technosalvation, and Ignorance (i.e., not knowing how to change). The latter was the only component not significantly correlated with the energy conservation behaviors measured in the study. The energy conservation behaviors included in the report were depression-cost ones; possibly participants knew how to implement these energy conservation behaviors. The Ignorance bulwark might use more to difficult, high-cost behaviors.

Some differences and some similarities emerged between the two studies. The food domain study attempted to measure out all seven theorized bulwark categories (i.e., from Gifford, 2011). However, it did so using mostly single-item measures for the specific bulwark manifestations. The free energy domain written report attempted to measure only v of seven barrier categories just used multiple-item measures. Both studies measured the barriers in simply 1 beliefs domain. Nonetheless, three of the retained barrier components were the same in both studies; Denial, Conflicting Goals and Aspirations, and Interpersonal Influences. Additional components were plant, but may have differed because of the unlike measurement approaches used in each study (e.g., single-item vs multiple-item measures, including simply five of the even barrier components). This called for additional analyses using multiple items to measure a comprehensive ready of barriers.

A revised barriers scale. The in a higher place studies provided the groundwork for a third study designed to address their limitations (Lacroix, Gifford, & Chen, Submitted). The previous two studies were domain specific (food and energy). One objective of this 3rd written report (Lacroix, Gifford, & Chen, Submitted) was to provide a comprehensive but parsimonious measurement of psychological barriers to proenvironmental beliefs that could be used across multiple domains. The report included proclimate behaviors from six major climate-relevant domains (i.e., food choices, energy use, transportation, waste product and disposal, purchasing, and water conservation).

New items were added to supplement the hypothesized barrier factors; the resulting 65-item musical instrument, intended to cover all the barriers in Gifford'due south (2011) taxonomy using multiple items per barrier, was tested in a Canadian community sample (n=380). Exploratory factor analyses were conducted to discover the barrier constructs underlying the set up of barrier items. Six factors emerged. To reduce the number of items used to mensurate each barrier gene, so as to create a relatively short, efficient ready of scales, four items were selected to represent each factor, using factor loadings, corrected interitem correlations, and reliabilities (blastoff). The items were also chosen to ensure that as many of the specific hypothesized barriers (cf. Table 7.1, above) as possible were retained, while eliminating items that shared considerable variance, in the service of parsimony and the practical usability of the musical instrument. The 6-factor barrier structure was validated using confirmatory factory analyses using a new sample.

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Self-Affirmation Interventions to Change Health Behaviors

B. Schüz , ... G.M. van Koningsbruggen , in Beliefs Change Research and Theory, 2017

Self-affirmation in interventions to change health behaviors

Earlier we talk most the role of self-affirmation in interventions to alter wellness-related behavior, we idea it prudent to institute at which indicate in health behavior change self-affirmation might play a role. Self-affirmation has been characterized as a motivational technique (Epton & Harris, 2008), as near effects on theory-based predictors of health behavior alter are documented on risk perceptions and their precursors. These processes in turn have been identified equally factors impacting on individual motivation to change health behavior, and research generally finds that motivational techniques alone are insufficient to promote health behavior change (east.thousand., Zhang & Cooke, 2012). Being motivated is often seen every bit the first pace toward behavior change (Heckhausen, 1991), and is thought to lead to the germination of positive goal intentions to initiate behavior change. However, equally noted past Sheeran (2002), in that location is often an intention-behavior gap such that individuals neglect to translate their positive intentions into activity.

This suggests that there is a second step across possessing high motivation to appoint in behavior change. This step has been labeled the volitional step (Heckhausen, 1991) and involves translating motivation into activeness. Goal-setting techniques, such as implementation intentions (Gollwitzer, 1999), which assistance individuals to plan how to perform behavior by specifying when, where, and how to complete behavior, have been shown to promote behavior alter.

Goal-setting has also been shown to work in combination with motivational interventions to promote wellness beliefs modify. For example, Zhang and Cooke (2012) demonstrated that academy students who received a motivational intervention and completed an implementation intention engaged in significantly more physical activeness than students who either received only the leaflet or who received nix.

Thus, if cocky-affidavit is a motivational technique information technology would seem plausible that combining self-affirmation with goal-setting in an intervention should atomic number 82 to greater health behavior change relative to either intervention alone. Nevertheless, research to appointment, does not support this proposal. Although Harris et al. (2014) found that individuals who self-affirmed and formed implementation intentions reported higher fruit and vegetable consumption at 1 calendar week follow-up, by 3 months follow-upwardly this effect had disappeared. Moreover, Jessop et al. (2014) showed in two studies that there were detrimental furnishings of combining self-affirmation and implementation intentions to promote physical action, with participants who completed both techniques engaging in less physical activeness than individuals who self-affirmed just did non complete implementation intentions. In the alcohol field, on the other paw, in that location is some bear witness that self-affirmation combines with implementation intentions to promote a reduction in alcohol consumption (Armitage, Harris, & Arden, 2011; Armitage et al., 2014), although a recent paper shows that combining self-affirmation with implementation intentions did not reduce booze consumption in a sample of academy students (Norman & Wrona-Clarke, 2016).

What would interventions to manipulate self-affirmation in practice wait similar? After all, almost research to date has employed laboratory-based self-affirmation manipulations, such as writing about a cherished personal value (Reed & Aspinwall, 1998), filling in a self-affirming questionnaire that asks participants to apply positively values to themselves (Napper et al., 2009), or consummate cocky-affirming implementation intentions in which participants make implementation intentions to call up well-nigh positive aspects of themselves when threatened (Armitage et al., 2011; Armitage & Arden, 2016). Participants in cocky-affirmation studies were asked to complete these means before existence exposed to health messages, with changes in cognitions and behavior typically assessed afterward. These settings require the context of a research study, as without this context, it could exist difficult to become potential readers of wellness letters to self-affirm prior to viewing such messages. Currently, in that location has only been piffling research examining the potential for self-affirmation manipulations to be upscaled for public wellness utilize, with probably only a few exemptions.

Dillard et al., 2005 combined text-based cigarette health warnings with brief messages that were designed to assert the smokers exposed to them—such as "You are a kind person" or "You are an honest person." However, this study establish no effects of the manipulation on less defensive processing or higher adventure perceptions in smokers. More encouraging results have been reported by Jessop et al. (2009) who integrated a brief self-affirmation job in a health promotion leaflet about skin cancer and sun safety. Sunbathers were asked to indicate, using a short checklist, whether eight general positive traits (e.chiliad., open-minded, hardworking) were true of them before continuing to read the wellness leaflet. This cursory reflection on positive traits successfully promoted sunbathers' requests for a free sample of sunscreen. Some other study that embedded a personalized value-based self-affidavit task in a comprehensive set of online health-promoting measures for undergraduate students (Epton et al., 2014) found lower prevalence of smoking in the intervention compared to the control arm subsequently vi months. Perhaps the idiosyncratic nature of cocky-affidavit might be a crucial feature of this process—affirming cadre personal values volition probably be easier and more constructive if participants choose personally relevant domains for affirmation rather than reading prechosen affirming statements equally in the study of Dillard et al. (2005). A contempo study (Arpan, Lee, & Wang, 2016) supports this idea—hither, participants were presented with a curt value-affirming message inside the logo banner of a website when beingness shown a health-promoting bulletin, with effects similar to conventional self-affirmation.

However, inquiry on the parameters determining the effective inclusion of self-affirmation in comprehensive health promotion interventions is still in its infancy. Finding ways of including idiosyncratic means of affirming the self that can exist embedded in wellness messages without existence distractive, breathless ("Why should I think about what a great person I am when I read this wellness promotion booklet?"), or ineffective will be a claiming for hereafter research. Compared to more traditional media (e.g., health leaflets), digital media possibilities may as well brand it easier to integrate self-affirmation interventions in practical settings (e.g., online health interventions, mobile applications). Yet, future research efforts might as well conclude that the use of self-affidavit based interventions might be more applicable and effective in smaller, interpersonal intervention settings than in larger-scaled interventions (e.g., mass communications).

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Health Behavior☆

P. Norman , M. Conner , in Reference Module in Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Psychology, 2017

Health Action Procedure Approach

Model Clarification

A number of researchers take suggested that there may be qualitatively different stages in the initiation and maintenance of health behavior, and that to obtain a full understanding of the determinants of wellness behavior it is necessary to conduct a detailed analysis of the nature of these stages. From a social cognitive perspective, an important implication of this position is that dissimilar cognitions may be important at different stages in promoting health beliefs. A number of so-called "phase models" of health behavior take been adult, of which the Health Activity Process Approach (Schwarzer, 1992) is ane. HAPA is a hybrid model in that it integrates SCT (Bandura, 1986) with the Rubicon model (Heckhausen, 1991) that makes a distinction between motivational and volitional phases of beliefs. Similarly, HAPA makes a distinction between pre-intentional (i.e., motivational) processes that atomic number 82 to a behavioral intention and mail service-intentional (i.due east., volitional) processes that lead to actual health behavior. Different social cognitive variables are seen to be important within each phase (Fig. v).

Figure 5. Health action process approach.

HAPA outlines three predictors of intention within the motivational stage. Kickoff, chance perception refers to the individual's perceived susceptibility to the health threat. Perceived gamble is a prerequisite for the motivation to change a health-risk behavior such as smoking; however, it is considered to be a distal determinant of intention. Second, effect expectancies refer to the perceived consequences of a behavior and are influential in the conclusion to change health behavior. Third, action (or task) self-efficacy refers to the private'southward conviction in their ability to perform the behavior, and is also proposed to have a straight effect on initial wellness behavior, independent of intention. Thus, co-ordinate to HAPA, individuals with high risk perceptions, who believe that they are able to perform a beliefs that will lead to positive outcomes will have stronger intentions. Intention is regarded as a "watershed" betwixt this initial goal setting (i.e., motivational) stage and a subsequent goal pursuit (i.east., volitional) phase. Even so, having a strong intention does non always ensure functioning of a beliefs. For many health behaviors, an intention-behavior gap exists that needs to be overcome.

HAPA therefore outlines a dissimilar set of social cerebral variables that are important in the volitional phase of health behavior. Thus, action planning and coping planning are important for translating intentions into behavior. Action planning refers to the making of specific plans (eastward.chiliad., implementation intentions) that help people enact their intentions (due east.g., "If I have a gap between lectures, then I will go for a run"). In contrast, coping planning refers to the making of specific plans to overcome anticipated barriers that may hinder individuals from enacting their intentions (e.thousand., "If it is raining when I program to go for a run, then I will go to the gym instead"). Maintenance (or coping) self-efficacy—i.e., beliefs about one's capability to cope with such barriers—is also important in this phase. Having initiated behavior, it is often necessary to maintain it. HAPA outlines three aspects of action control that are important in this context; namely, self-monitoring, awareness of standards and cocky-regulatory effort. Finally, recovery cocky-efficacy—i.due east., beliefs about one'south adequacy to go back on track after a setback or lapse—is important in ensuring the maintenance of behavior.

Review of Enquiry

Tests of HAPA as a social cognition model of health behavior accept typically used path analysis or structure equation modeling to examine the different predictors of intention and subsequent behavior. As reviewed by Schwarzer and Luszczynska (2015), HAPA has been used to predict a range of health-promoting behaviors such as physical activity (Scholz et al., 2009) and health eating (Schwarzer et al., 2007), as well as adventure-reducing behaviors such as rubber utilize (Teng and Mak, 2011) and smoking cessation (Radtke et al., 2011). HAPA has too used to predict self-intendance behaviors such as sunscreen use (Craciun et al., 2012) and detection behaviors such as breast self-examination (Luszczynska and Schwarzer, 2003). To date, only i meta-analysis of HAPA has been conducted that focused on physical activeness (Gholami, 2014), reporting significant correlations betwixt constructs in line with the theoretical construction of the model. Thus, activeness self-efficacy (r   =   0.fifty) and outcome expectancies (r   =   0.forty) had significant average correlations with intention; action self-efficacy (r   =   0.36) and intention (r   =   0.42) had significant average correlations with planning; and planning (r   =   0.34) and coping self-efficacy (r   =   0.32) had significant average correlations with physical action. In contrast, the average correlation between gamble perception and intention was non-significant (r   =   0.x). Support has also been found for 1 of the model's key predictions that (action and coping) planning should mediate the relationship betwixt intention and behavior (Fleig et al., 2013; Lippke et al., 2005; Scholz et al., 2008).

Commentary

HAPA has a number of key strengths. First, it explicitly outlines unlike phases of wellness behavior and, in particular, focuses on the mail service-intentional variables that are of import for translating intentions into behavior and for maintaining beliefs. Other SCMs tend to focus exclusively on the motivation phase of health behavior with the implicit supposition that the translation of practiced intentions into beliefs is simple. Second, it draws on SCT as an established SCM of health beliefs to outline the key determinants of intention. In addition, it affords a cardinal role to cocky-efficacy—1 of the almost powerful predictors of wellness beliefs—and distinguishes betwixt different types of cocky-efficacy that are stage-specific. Tertiary, there is a growing trunk of evidence that supports the chief tenets of the model.

Nonetheless, there are as well a number of issues for time to come enquiry to address. First, nearly tests of HAPA appraise activity and/or coping planning, only not action control, every bit a mediator between intention and beliefs. Godinho et al. (2013) found that action control mediated the effects of both intention and coping planning on fruit and vegetable intake. Farther studies are needed to clarify mail service-intentional mediation effects within HAPA. Second, measures of action planning and coping planning sometimes lack discriminant validity, as practice unlike measures of self-efficacy (Schwarzer and Luszczynska, 2015). Such findings may reflect the nature of the behavior nether consideration or may question some of the more fine-grained distinctions made in the model. Third, some studies have found that the extent to which planning mediates the relationship betwixt intention and behavior is college in older than in younger individuals (Renner et al., 2007; Reuter et al., 2010; Scholz et al., 2007). It is possible that age (or other variables such as conscientiousness) may moderate (straight and indirect) relationships in HAPA.

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Sport psychology

Chris Englert , in Current Opinion in Psychology, 2017

Self-control strength and regular physical activeness

Although individuals oft intend to be physically active on a regular basis, in that location may be an intention–behavior gap regarding physical activity: individuals cannot consistently transform their intentions into workout behavior [eighteen]. Regular physical activity is highly-dependent on self-command, equally individuals demand to resist immediate, more than attractive, and less exhausting temptations in gild to follow their potentially straining workout schedules [4,11,19,twenty]. Allom et al. [21•• ] found evidence supporting this assumption, as participants with college trait self-command strength were more physically active than participants with lower trait self-control forcefulness [run across     Refs.     22,25•• ]. In the same vein, Toering and Jordet [23•• ] reported that professional soccer players with college trait self-command forcefulness as opposed to lower trait self-control strength invested more time in their training regimens.

To investigate the part of state self-control on regular concrete activity, Englert and Rummel [26•• ] had participants perform a serial of physical exercises every solar day for vii days and assessed their state self-control on a daily footing. The results revealed that individuals were less likely to perform their exercises on a given day when their state cocky-control had been low during that respective day. A longitudinal written report past Martin Ginis and Bray [27] as well showed that state cocky-control was related to do adherence, equally individuals with temporarily depleted self-control strength were less probable to exist physically active. Taken together, these studies suggest that high levels of both country and trait self-control strength are beneficial for regular physical activity.

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From prediction to process: A self-regulation account of ecology beliefs change

Kristian Steensen Nielsen , in Journal of Environmental Psychology, 2017

Abstract

Recently, environmental researchers take been urged to widen the theoretical scope and integrate other behavioral moderators to better empathise and bridge the oft observed intention-behavior gap in the environmental domain. The present article seeks to meet this phone call by reviewing and highlighting the relevance of self-regulation for ecology behavior change. The article focuses on the two principal components of self-regulation: goal setting and goal striving. Self-regulation research differs from the prediction models usually employed in environmental enquiry (e.g. theory of planned behavior or value-belief-norm theory), as it focuses on the dynamic psychological mechanisms that event in either success or failure in acting relative to a certain standard or goal. Similar to the intention-behavior gap, cocky-regulation research recognizes the occasional failure of people to adhere to their own environmental standards and goals. However, unlike prediction models, self-regulation research gives directions on how to reduce the frequency by which these failures occur.

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Predicting adoption and maintenance of physical activeness in the context of dual-procedure theories

Tilo Strobach , ... Ines Pfeffer , in Performance Enhancement & Wellness, 2020

3.four Interaction of trait cocky-regulation and executive functions

Importantly, the prospective study of Pfeffer and Strobach (2017) extended knowledge near the interactive effects of trait self-regulation and executive functions on the IBG. Trait self-regulation seems to exist an important power to compensate for poor abilities in inhibition and updating with regard to the IBG. In contrast, trait self-regulation is especially relevant when shifting abilities are high. High shifting ability might lead to rapid detachment from a self-regulatory goal (Hofmann et al., 2012), just high trait cocky-regulation might help to keep runway on this goal which is reflected in a smaller IBG. Thus, the present model assumes a moderating effect of executive functions on the association between trait cocky-regulation and this gap.

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How to bridge the intention-beliefs gap in food parenting: Automatic constructs and underlying techniques

Junilla K. Larsen , ... Jennifer O. Fisher , in Appetite, 2018

6 Full general conclusion

Most parents have a potent want to promote the health of their children (Rylatt & Cartwright, 2016 ). Yet, some parents have difficulties to translate these healthy parenting intentions into actual behaviors. In this position paper, we suggest a new conceptual framework in which constructs and underlying techniques influencing automatic processes may close the food parenting intention-behavior gap. Our framework provides a dual procedure view towards food parenting, because that two different systems of data processing (i.e., automatic and reflective) underlie the production of food parenting behaviors.

This position paper provides tentative support for the part of habits and volitional regulation behaviors in healthy parenting. Considering that most evidence comes from studies examining how habits or volitional self-regulation can explain and influence health behavior, more than research is needed to examine how these key constructs may influence food parenting behaviors. We contend that impulse-focused techniques (i.due east., inhibition training, nudging) may directly influence the effects of situational cues on parental habits (i.e., changing habits directly), whereas 'reflective' techniques (i.e., implementation intentions, mental contrasting) may place, suppress or manage impulses before they are acted upon (i.east., irresolute habits indirectly through volitional regulation behaviors). Evidence is provided in support of both impulse-focused and reflective techniques for influencing eating behaviors or emotions. Whether changes in habitual reactions of parents to food cues (due east.grand., decreased food attentional bias and nutrient devaluation) or children'due south emotions and/or eating (e.g., 'staying calm') may besides influence nutrient parenting and close the nutrient parenting intention-behavior gap remains unknown. Hereafter research should further examine this. We propose that past preventing unhealthy and creating more salubrious habitual parental reactions (i.eastward., in response to nutrient cues and child's emotion or eating) parents probably tin more easily attend to their healthy food intentions and close the respective nutrient parenting intention-behavior gap.

Although McGowan and colleagues (McGowan et al., 2013) effectively trained parents in facilitating automatic food parenting habits via goal setting, they did not use implementation intentions. Similarly, the well-known Triple P positive parenting program which includes a 'planning' approach (Sanders et al., 2012) does not brand use of specific implementation intentions. Time to come inquiry should consider which techniques (i.e., impulsive-focused and/or cogitating) exert the strongest influence on key automatic constructs and food parenting behaviors. As limitations of standard efficacy trials are well-known, Experimental Medicine (EM) may offer an approach stimulating researchers to examine bones mechanistic processes as function of related intervention trials (Sheeran, Klein, & Rothman, 2017).

Moreover, we hypothesized that interventions that tackle combined constructs from both the automatic and the reflective pathway will be more effective in engendering salubrious and preventing unhealthy parental habits that close the intention-behavior gap. This position paper presents some evidence supporting the thought that combining constructs that tap into the automatic and reflective routes are more than effective than either one alone. Once again, future enquiry should examine the extent to which these furnishings generalize to food parenting. It is not but important to proceeds insight into moderating parental habits that bridge the nutrient parenting intention-behavior gap, but besides to gain insight into which nutrient parenting behaviors interact with parenting context (i.e., parenting or feeding styles) (Hughes, Power, O'Connor, Fisher, & Chen, 2016; Sleddens, Kremers, Stafleu, Dagnelie, De Vries, & Thijs, 2014), to have greatest influence on kid's dietary intake and BMI. Findings of a recent systematic review and meta-assay showed that nutrient availability and parental food modeling had consistent positive associations with children's food consumption (Yee, Lwin, & Ho, 2017). In line with this, we have previously suggested that parental influences are chiefly mediated by changes in the child's abode food environment (Larsen et al., 2015). Nosotros advise that about important food parenting intention-behavior gaps business organization those with higher-order nutrient parenting constructs of coercive control and structure (Vaughn et al., 2016) by tapping into the home food environment.

Rothman and colleagues (Rothman, Sheeran, & Woods, 2009) distinguish primal determinants and techniques based on whether they refer to behavior alter initiation or maintenance, with for case the key determinant 'habit' regarded every bit an automatic construct being responsible for behavior modify maintenance. We did not explicitly make a distinction between behavior change initiation or maintenance in our conceptual framework. All the same, in line with Rothman and colleagues (Rothman et al., 2009), 'volitional regulation behaviors' and underlying techniques may be more than important during behavior modify initiation, whereas 'habits' and techniques manipulating habits may be more of import during behavior alter maintenance. Future research might further examine this.

It is important to annotation that the techniques considered in this newspaper (i.e., nudging, inhibitory control training, implementation intentions, mental contrasting) were not meant to be exhaustive. Van Beurden and colleagues (Van Beurden et al., 2016) as well distinguish other impulse-focused and cogitating techniques that might play an of import office in bridging the food parenting intention-behavior gap. For example, mindfulness-based strategies are potentially relevant reflective techniques to modify cue-based eating reactions, and in the parenting literature at that place also is an increased focus on mindful parenting interventions (Townshend, Hashemite kingdom of jordan, Stephenson, & Tsey, 2016). We propose that especially experiential acceptance (nonjudgment) and mindful awareness of decision making processes (self-regulation) (Forman, Butryn, Manasse, & Bradley, 2015; Mason et al., 2016) may be benign in decreasing reward driven reactions to nutrient cues and unintended emotional reactions in response to child's emotion and eating.

Our framework neither included potentially significant barriers (e.g., time, financial costs and access) facing parents from lower socio-economic status (SES), nor child factors that may moderate the effectiveness of the intervention techniques described. Although parental intentions may make up one's mind food parenting beliefs among depression-income parents (Blaine et al., 2015), we presume that the habitual parental reactions proposed in our framework are potentially stronger among parents who are "depleted" and nether-resourced and/or having children with more difficult temperaments. There is aplenty research available suggesting that people eat more and have stronger reactions to nutrient cues when depleted (due east.k., Vohs & Heatherton, 2000). Moreover, child temperament as well appears to exist an eminent factor affecting food parenting (Bergmeier, Skouteris, Horwood, Hooley, & Richardson, 2014). Future research may examine whether sure common SES barriers or kid's characteristics might moderate effectiveness of the impulse-focused or reflective techniques. Another suggestion for future inquiry is to examine whether and for whom the impulse-focused and cogitating techniques elicit the expected underlying neural changes in brain reward and/or command regions. Finally, futurity research should systematically examine whether different impulse-focused and reflective techniques including personalized cues and tailoring are more effective, because the success of tailored health interventions (Lustria et al., 2013).

To conclude, this position paper highlights constructs and processes that may take utility for bridging the intention-behavior gap effectually healthy nutrient parenting. The ideas presented in this paper may represent important 'black box' constructs that explain why nutrient parenting intentions do not always lead to desired food parenting behaviors. Moreover, this paper describes the potential utility of techniques for changing automatic health behaviors for the nutrient parenting literature. Experimental studies are needed to manipulate constructs from the reflective pathway (eastward.1000., self-efficacy) with those from the automatic pathway (i.due east., habits and volitional regulation behaviors). Insights from these studies may eventually inform the evolution of health initiatives and interventions aimed at promoting skilful food parenting behaviors.

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Spontaneous and experimentally induced activity planning and coping planning for physical action: A meta-analysis

Natasha Carraro , Patrick Gaudreau , in Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 2013

Action planning and coping planning: a conceptual and empirical overview

In social knowledge models, like the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB; Ajzen, 1991), motivational factors such as people's intention to perform a particular behavior are considered the near proximal determinants of that behavior. Withal, the majority of people who intend to adopt and regularly perform desired health behaviors struggle to practice and so, and ultimately fail to transform their intention into concrete action (Sheeran, 2002 ). Changing health behaviors can exist challenging, merely planning precisely how to enact one's intentions and how to deal with difficulties in goal pursuit is a promising strategy for bridging the proverbial "intention-behavior gap" ( Webb & Sheeran, 2005).

Two conceptually distinct forms of planning have been identified in the health domain (Sniehotta, 2009; Sniehotta, Schwarzer, Scholz, & Schüz, 2005; Ziegelmann, Lippke, & Schwarzer, 2006) on the footing of the broader literature on implementation intentions/plans (Gollwitzer, 1999). Action planning (AP) involves specifying the details of when, where, and how to human activity in the service of one'due south intentions. Coping planning (CP) involves identifying how one will cope with potential barriers or obstacles that could get in the style of the goal striving process.

Correlational and experimental studies of AP and CP address 2 unlike however complementary volitional processes. Correlational designs are used to examine the extent to which naturally formulated plans, chosen spontaneous or self-set AP and CP, can explain variance in health behaviors such equally PA. Participants are asked to bespeak the extent to which they have spontaneously planned when, where, and how to perform goal-directed behaviors and cope with obstacles within a specified menstruation of time (Rise, Thompson, & Verplanken, 2003). Experimental studies involve experimentally inducing, or directly instructing and intervening on the process of setting action and/or coping plans. Participants are instructed, via newspaper-and-pencil exercises or interaction with an experimenter, to indicate when, where, and how they programme to perform PA (i.due east., AP) and deal with anticipated obstacles (i.east., CP). Spontaneous and experimentally induced planning could potentially interact – for instance, people already forming spontaneous plans in their daily life may non benefit (at all or every bit much) from interventions designed to promote planning. These two streams of research on the natural and induced occurrence of planning for PA have still to exist described, summarized, and quantified into 1 integrative review of the extant correlational and experimental literature.

Furthermore, an inclusive, systematic meta-analytic review of the literature is warranted to reverberate upon the inconsistent results observed in the PA literature. Given the complex nature of PA as a target for behavior change (Maes & Gebhardt, 2005), people may be more probable to experience difficulties regulating their goal striving in this area, resulting in weaker or less consistent effect sizes. Indeed, correlational studies on AP and CP reported bivariate correlations ranging from as depression every bit .13 (Sniehotta, Gorski, & Araújo-Soares, 2010) to as high as .67 (Norman & Conner, 2005). Field studies on planning interventions for PA also showed great variability, with some showing positive results (eastward.one thousand., Sniehotta, Scholz, & Schwarzer, 2006; Ziegelmann et al., 2006) and others reporting null (eastward.1000., Skår, Sniehotta, Gerard, Prestwich, & Araújo-Soares, 2011) or even negative effects (eastward.g., Budden & Sagarin, 2007).

A recent meta-analysis has begun to pave the way toward a meliorate agreement of the experimental literature on AP for PA (Bélanger-Gravel, Godin, & Amireault, 2011). Notably, this review connected AP within the broader literature on psychosocial interventions for PA. Decisions nearly data brainchild were reported transparently, and important moderating variables (e.g., intervention commitment method, operational definitions of 'implementation intentions') were considered to offer a nuanced portrait on the event of AP on PA. This review besides offered a detailed description of sample, physical activity, and intervention characteristics, thereby allowing readers to more readily identify both strengths and areas in need of further improvement in the literature.

Our meta-analysis complements and extends the review of Bélanger-Gravel et al. (2011) in several ways. First, the prior review focused exclusively on experimental studies of AP for PA. In line with the most the most contempo theorizing past leading researchers in the area of planning for PA, the present review included both correlational and experimental studies. Notably, equally observed by Sniehotta (2009), the majority of research on implementation planning conducted exterior the health domain has been carried out in the laboratory and involved plans assigned past the researcher. In contrast, research on implementation planning for concrete activeness has typically been conducted in the field and involved plans set by the participants themselves. Hence, the structure and content of participants' cocky-set plans studied in field research remains unknown, and may partially explain the mixed results observed in the planning for PA literature. 2nd, the prior review focused almost exclusively on AP as CP was examined only briefly in a subgroup analysis. In the electric current meta-assay, we conducted distinct analyses for self-set AP and CP. As mentioned previously, the decision to examine both AP and CP was driven by various calls toward greater theoretical and conceptual clarity, which can only be achieved past examining both AP and CP (e.grand., Sniehotta and others have argued that AP and CP likely involve unlike antecedents, outcomes, and mediating mechanisms; (Sniehotta, 2009; Sniehotta, Schwarzer, et al., 2005)). As such, moderating analyses were performed separately for each type of planning whenever sufficient data was available to accordingly examine the effect of a moderator.

In their review, Bélanger-Gravel et al. highlighted the importance of theory in designing and implementing PA interventions. Our review tried to motion one stride further by using the available data to investigate the mediating part of AP and CP in the intention-behavior relation – an of import theoretical issue in the intention and planning literature (see the arbitration section of this Introduction).

Past studies accept often used longitudinal designs with multiple time points, outcome measures, experimental weather, and control groups. Although it would exist easier to create average furnishings across all conditions, we followed the recommendation of Higgins and Altman (2008) by making deliberate efforts to avoid introducing potential bias in the meta-analytic results by coding and taking into consideration the time lags, outcomes, and experimental/control conditions of the private studies in our reported statistical analyses. To mitigate the risk of bias, we as well corrected the effect sizes of individual studies for measurement error – a feature that Bélanger-Gravel et al. (2011) accept identified as important to consider in future meta-analyses. Finally, we coded all of the experimental studies for study quality in gild to help readers evaluate the potential hazard of bias currently attached to the experimental planning literature for PA. These unique conceptual, theoretical, and methodological features should maximize the novelty and significance of the synthesis offered in the electric current meta-analysis.

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50 years of FEPSAC: Current and time to come directions to sport and exercise Psychology research

Ryan Due east. Rhodes , ... Amanda Fifty. Rebar , in Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 2019

ix Futurity directions and conclusions

As humans are complex and dynamic, the explanations for many behaviours (including physical activeness) are probable to be equally complex. For example, a kid may engage in concrete activity due to some combination of the positive reinforcement she receives from her parents (i.e., operant conditioning influences), her attitudes toward exercise (i.east., from a social-cerebral perspective), the opportunities inside her surrounding environment to exist active (i.e., social-ecological influences), and her level of self-adamant motivation to exist active (i.east., from an organismic/humanistic perspective). Thus, integrated theoretical frameworks across the traditions noted in a higher place likely serve physical activity science best. In essence, all of the above noted frameworks accept some integration, yet several new models and adapted frameworks continue to serve this purpose. For case, one of the cornerstones of the social cognitive framework is the intention construct as the primary antecedent of behaviour, even so this relationship is modest (McEachan et al., 2011) and asymmetrical (Rhodes & de Bruijn, 2013). Specifically, while nearly all people who engage in physical activity have positive intentions to do so, only half of those with proficient intentions succeed in really performing the behaviour (Rhodes & de Bruijn, 2013). The demand to span intention into behaviour, has thus spawned several recent theoretical models that include the merging of different traditions, such as the health action process arroyo (Schwarzer, 2008), action phases model (Heckhausen & Gollwitzer, 1987), integrated behaviour modify model (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2014), multi-process action command framework (Rhodes, 2017), I-Change model (de Vries, Mesters, van de Steeg, & Honing, 2005) and temporal self-regulation theory (Hall & Fong, 2007), among others. All of these approaches have shown some preliminary effectiveness (Rhodes & Yao, 2015) and may be useful for concrete activity promotion in the next decade.

In particular, the wellness action process approach (HAPA; Schwarzer, 2008) has seen considerable application in the physical activity domain over the last several years. HAPA was developed to address the intention-behaviour gap with pre-intentional constructs identical to the traditional social cerebral approach, withal it includes volitional constructs of action (where, when, how) and coping (contingencies when barriers may ascend) planning every bit well as self-efficacy to maintain the behaviour and recover from relapse. Observational and experimental evidence suggests that the volitional constructs of HAPA, in particular, may help broaden physical activity intentions too as maintenance cocky-efficacy (Carraro & Gaudreau, 2011; Rhodes & Yao, 2015; Zhang, Zhang, Schwarzer, & Hagger, 2018). For example, Carraro and Gaudreau (2013) found that interventions focused on activeness (φ = 0.43) and coping (φ = 0.39) planning amounted to minor issue size changes in physical action compared to command groups who did not receive the intervention.

Theoretical frameworks are also developing by their level of abstraction and the functions they serve for concrete activity scientific discipline. The social cognitive tradition or humanistic tradition, for instance are more often than not micro-theories, focused on critical interrelationships among their key constructs (i.east., all variables defined and paths accounted for, high detail). The socioecological framework, by contrast, is a macro-theory that has latitude at the expense of precision (i.eastward., amorphous and spread-out with few defined paths). As our subject matures, these approaches differentiate some of the basic and engineering science needs required to understand and promote physical activity. For instance, micro-theories, with their focus on mediating pathways among constructs to explain the chain of events and atmospheric condition for why concrete activity occurs, are often not a disquisitional focus for wellness promoters, who just want to know how and what to utilise to alter the behaviour. In our observations, this has often created a derision toward theory amid the community of applied health promoters. On the other manus, macro-level theoretical approaches, in our observations, are derided past bones scientists as being too simplistic or invalid due to a lack of mechanistic (internal) validity. The nigh noteworthy instance of this case in physical activity science has been the transtheoretical model (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1982), which has arguably been the most successful framework to upscale to the applied sector of physical activity promotion simply has seen due criticism amidst basic scientists (Nigg et al., 2011).

A recognition of the level of scale and purpose of the theoretical framework in physical activity may alleviate these previous critiques. Indeed, what may be most useful to bridge the basic and applied sectors of concrete activeness are meso-level theoretical frameworks (Rebar & Rhodes, in printing; Rhodes, 2017). Meso-level theoretical approaches contain constructs with a strong evidence base and some operational paths for understanding behaviour change but they are congenital for engineering science and wellness promoters more than basic scientists. The behaviour change wheel is an example of this approach (Michie et al., 2011), as it includes central constructs idea to determine behaviour (ability, motivation, opportunity) that can exist subdivided to particular intervention techniques. The theoretical domains framework is another example of a meso-level approach to using theory for implementation science (Pikestaff, O'Connor, & Michie, 2012). Relatedly, Lubans et al. (2017) presents a model of testify-based principles and aligned teaching strategies targeted toward practitioners for unproblematic delivery of constructive physical activeness interventions. These types of frameworks represent important hereafter approaches to theory in physical activity because they may service implementation while still remaining accountable to scientific scrutiny and revision.

Finally, the most critical future touch on physical action theory design, testing, and refinement may come from technological developments applied to research. The theories noted above have largely been created by theorists using deductive processes and designed for face up-to-face clinical or teaching-based (small group) intervention with a express series of assessments. Analyses that apply big information and existent-fourth dimension information may assist to develop dynamic theoretical models, create unique insights into theory development via inductive approaches, too equally lead to intervention design that tin can more effectively capture the momentary idiographic needs of people who are attempting to increase physical activeness. Dynamic models explore how psychological processes unfold over fourth dimension and occur within or beyond contexts and individuals (Wright & Hopwood, 2016). They are specially well-suited for the study of concrete activity because of the shifts from conclusion, to adoption, and then to behavioural maintenance (Rhodes, 2017). In addition to the dynamic nature of concrete activity itself, predictors of physical activity may vary through time and context, which is non captured through static assessments (Dunton, 2017, 2018). These models also let for the examination of idiographic behaviour changes (i.due east., a person's change over time) that may be more accurate for testing the tenets of a theory and precision in intervention compared to grouping (nomothetic) behaviour changes (Dunton, 2017). Specifically, there has been a growing body of work using dynamic models by leveraging mobile applied science to develop But-In-Fourth dimension Adaptive Interventions (Dunton, 2017, 2018; Nahum-Shani et al., 2016; Spruijt-Metz et al., 2015). Exploring the effectiveness of this approach to further develop and refine electric current theories and interventions has considerable promise.

In summary, the health benefits of physical activity are well recognized but many people in developed countries are non physically agile enough to reap optimal health benefits. Theories of physical activeness are essential to sympathise behaviour change and provide an organizing framework for effective intervention. The purpose of this paper was to overview the chief theoretical frameworks that have been applied to sympathize and change physical activity over the last three decades. The ascendant framework for understanding physical activity has been in the social cerebral tradition, and it has provided valuable information on central constructs linked to concrete activeness such as cocky-efficacy and intention besides equally demonstrating changes to behaviour when applied in intervention. The humanistic framework for understanding concrete activity has seen a surge in research in the last decade and has demonstrated initial effectiveness in both explaining and intervening on behaviour through autonomous motivation and meeting basic human needs. The most recent and understudied framework for understanding concrete activity is through dual process models. These accept hope by complementing the prior frameworks with better understanding of not-conscious and hedonic determinants of physical action and alternating approaches to intervention. Finally, the private-level focus of all three of these approaches is contrasted by the socioecological framework, which has seen considerable inquiry attention in the concluding 15 years and focuses on the interplay between multiple levels of influence (from individual to organizational and environmental policy). The socioecological model has been instrumental in agreement the role of the built surroundings in physical activity behaviour and critical to shaping public health policy in government. Despite the strengths of all four frameworks, nosotros noted several weaknesses of each approach at present and highlighted several newer applications of integrated models and dynamic models that may serve to improve our understanding and promotion of physical activity.

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